“Before its being built, it was reported in Chinese sources, that prior to its founding, the 6th Zhamarpa, Chokyi Wangchug, had been given the land by the Mu Naxi King after he pointed to it and said that would be a good place to build a monastery. Six Naxi disciples whom the 6th Zhamarpa had taken with him to be educated in Tibet, returned later and founded the Og-Min Ling (Fuguo-si) temple.”
“There were five Karma Kagyu monasteries in Balung, with eight-hundred monks, all disciples of “Gema Sibao lama” – that is, Situ Penchen. The adherents of the Karmapa sect were mostly Moso – that is, local Naxi (not Tibetans). It also records that among them strife became daily more common, as the Yellow lamas (Gelugpa) oppressed them considerably.”
Introduction
Part 8 of the China/Tibet pilgrimage trip in Lijiang and Tibetan areas of Yunnan, China, is about my visit to the fourth main Karma Kagyu Tibetan Buddhist monastery in Lijiang area, Og Min Ling (Fuguo Si 福國寺), said to have been originally founded in 1601. This monastery is also not far from the centre of Lijiang, and quite near the ancient town of Baisha, where one of the earliest Buddhist temples in that region, Dabaoijigong is also situated.
The Og-Min Ling monastery is said to be the first ‘mother’ and oldest temple of the five remaining Karma Kagyu ones in that area, originally founded between 1621-1627, by the joint efforts of the Mu Naxi Kings, 6th Zhamarpa, six of his Naxi disciples, and the 10th Karmapa, Choying Dorje. The monastery was visited several times by the 8th Tai Situpa, who wrote about it in his Karma Kagyu historical text and biography of 10th Karmapa, the Moonstone Mala (more on that below).
It was reported to have been the largest monastery in Jang area at that time, but destroyed in 1864 (not sure of the reason why) and rebuilt in 1882. It was then destroyed again during the Cultural Revolution. In 2007, it is said that the 17th Sharnor Drungpa Rinpoche (Dongbao Zhongba東寶仲巴呼圖克圖, 1967-) restored it to its current state. He was recognized by the 12th Tai Situ Situpa in 1991 and his official residence is Zhiyun si. The first Sharnor Drungpa (considered the thirteenth in the lineage of Namkha Gyatso, b. 1146) was a contemporary with 8th Tai Situ Penchen. The 17th Drungpa Rinpoche’s photo was in all the main Karma Kagyu monasteries I visited in Lijiang. He has been involved with the Buddhist Association of China (BAC) since 2015, and is vice president of the Yunnan BAC. Interestingly though, this monastery did not have many visual depictions of the Tai Situpas as in the other large Karma Kagyu monasteries, such as Wenfeng and Zhiyun Si.
The statues of the Karmapas, and the artwork in the shrine rooms/halls were some of the most stunning I have ever seen. In particular, there was a fabulous painting of the Karmapa’s main protector, Mahakala with consort of Remati (Rangjung Gyalmo) on a horse (see photo here).
I was also told by one Tibetan Buddhist monk there, whom I briefly spoke to in Tibetan, that the upper quarters of the first main hall, used to be the room of the 10th Karmapa’s nama (wife). I was not surprised to hear this as I have recently been reading about how after the 10th Karmapa was forced to flee from Tibet from the murderous Mongolian armies, and Gelugpa oppression, he is said to have take as a consort of a local Naxi woman, who had a son, who was subsequently recognised by the 10th Karmapa as the 6th Gyaltsab Rinpoche, Norbu Zangpo [1].
However, when I tried to visit upstairs (after seeing some Han Chinese tourists going up there) another monk (who was guarding the first main hall) stopped me and insisted that there was no wife/consort of the Karmapa and never had been. He seemed quite annoyed by it (and me). I told him that another monk at the monastery had just told me this, and also that research shows that the 10th Karmapa had a consort. But he was not having any of it, and proceeded to follow me around the monastery suspiciously from that moment on. I had been planning on staying longer there for lunch, but I left early as his conduct towards me seemed a tad excessive (and even potentially hostile). Perhaps it was also because I was a lone, foreign female too (and an easy target). Nonetheless it is a beautiful place to visit, and was overjoyed to have been able to visit there.
Below is a little historical background to the monastery and some photos I took while there. It is an inspiring and beautiful place to visit. Just don’t mention the 10th Karmapa’s consort! ha ha ha
Dedicated to the long-life of the 17th Karmapa, Ogyen Trinley Dorje, and the Karma Kagyu lineage and activities, may they flourish in Tibet, China, India and Asia!
Music? Prayer to the Glorious Karma Kagyu lineage, by its holder, 17th Gyalwang Karmapa, Ogyen Trinley Dorje and I Believe in You by Neil Young.
The founding of the 17th century Tibetan Buddhist temple, Og-Min Ling (Fuguo Si) temple by the 6th Zhamar and 10th Karmapa
As I wrote about in part 7 (visiting Tashi Chophel Ling monastery), in the 17th Century, the Mu Naxi Kings of Lijiang were crucial in their support (and following) of the Karmapas and Karma Kagyu, particularly the 10th Karmapa after the violent and devastating Mongolian army-invasion of Tibet, with the Gelugpa support.
Debreczeny (2009:121) writes that during the time of the 10th Karmapa’s taking refuge from the Gelugpa violence in the Jang area:
“..he established numerous temples, including Gyelwa Rignga (Dabaosi), which he named “Potala” [known as Fuguo Si].
Fuguo si (also known as Jietuolin) was founded circa 1621-27 by the greatest of the Kings of Lijiang, Mu Zeng, with six Naxi disciples of the Sixth Zhamar. Although Tibetan sources, including that of 8th Tai Situ Penchen, refer to this temple as Og Min Ling, Chinese sources say it was founded in 1627 and bestowed the name Fuguo Si by the Emperor Xizong (r.1621-1627).
Before its being built, it was reported in Chinese sources, that prior to its founding, the 6th Zhamarpa had been given the land by the Mu King after he pointed to it and said that would be a good place to build a monastery. Six Naxi disciples whom the 6th Zhamarpa had taken with him to be educated in Tibet, returned later and founded the Og-Min Ling (Fuguo-si) temple. Although Debreczeny states that the 10th Karmapa may well have overseen its construction, expansion and re-consecration, as it became a large temple complex over time (Debreczeny, 2009:145:n. 59 and n.68).
The 8th Tai Situpa’s visits to Og-Minling and his amazing cultural and social impact on the Lijiang area, despite increasing Gelugpa oppression and violence in the area
After the 10th Karmapa passed away, the 8th Kenting Tai Situpa Penchen visited the region three times and was very interested in the life-story of the 10th Karmapa, which he documents in his historical text, The Moonstone Mala (as mentioned in previous posts about this region). Debreczeny (2013: 207) writes:
“While in Lijiang proper, Situ stayed twice at Okmin Ling (Fuguo si 福國寺)… During Situ’s second stay at Okmin Ling during his 1730 tour, Situ gave transmissions for the monastic liturgy as well as complete ordination vows to about one hundred monks. Such large numbers of monks taking the ordination at the same time in a single monastery suggest a large base of support for Tibetan Buddhism in Lijiang.
The only available photograph of an Okmin Ling wall painting before its destruction during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) shows it belonged to Pelpung’s distinct artistic idiom, the new Karma Gardri style, reflecting the monastery’s status as a Situ cultural satellite. This painting is from one of the protector chapels where Situ probably performed the ritual propitiation to guardian deities (the “amending and restoring” liturgy) in the spring of 1730. However, the wall painting probably dates to after Situ’s time, possibly to the 1882 restoration.”
In terms of the impact that 8th Tai Situpa had on the Jang region, after 10th Karmapa’s passing:
“Balung became a major Karma Kagyu stronghold in Yunnan. The local Chinese gazetteer of Balung, the Weixi Travel Record (Weixi wenjian lu 維西聞見錄), written about 1769 (that is, only ten years after Situ’s last visit and still during his lifetime), recorded Situ’s impact on the area. It states that there were thirteen sects of the “Red Lama Church,” and of these only the Karma [Kagyu] was found in Weixi. There were five Karma Kagyü monasteries in Balung, with eight-hundred monks, all disciples of “Gema Sibao lama” – that is, Situ Penchen. The adherents of the Karmapa sect were mostly Moso – that is, local Naxi (not Tibetans). It also records that among them strife became daily more common, as the Yellow lamas (Gelukpa) oppressed them considerably. This same text also recorded that a high-ranking disciple (gaodi dizi 高第弟子) of Situ Penchen, the Shan Zhishi lama (善知識喇嘛), was reincarnated in Weixi.”
Interestingly (and possibly the subject of another post), Debreczeny (2013) notes that historical sources describe how the 8th Tai Situpa not only studied the Chinease language but was even asked to compose a Noble Tārā sadhana in Chinese by the local Chinese governor of Lijiang [2]:
“One particular instance found in Situ’s account of this meeting with the governor that not only suggests this close relationship but also implies a broader cultural dialog, is this governor of Lijiang urging Situ to compose a Tārā front generation visualization sādhana in Chinese. Thus it would appear that by at least Situ’s second visit, he had at least a working knowledge of Chinese.”
In addition, the 8th Tai Situ was responsible for stopping the practice of sacrificing animals in the region [3].
Moreover, considering the 17th Karmapa, Ogyen Trinley Dorje’s 2024 teaching on the parinirvana and remains of the Arhat Mahakāśyapa at the Kukkuṭapādagiri Indian mountain, it was interesting to read that there is a mountain in the Lijiang area, also said to contain Kāśyapa’s relics that Tai Situ visited (Debreczeny: 2013):
“Passing beyond Lijiang, Situ went on to his stated objective, Chicken Foot Mountain, a popular pilgrimage site for local Tibetans and Naxi located midway between Lijiang and the ancient capital of Yunnan, Dali (大理). The mountain is named for Kukkuṭapādagiri near Gaya (India, believed to be the abode of the Arhat Kāśyapa. Situ recorded his itinerary on the mountain, which can be traced on local pilgrimage maps.”
Situ was invited to numerous chapels in the area, and presumably collected or consulted source materials for the 1621 Lijiang Kangyur/Tripiṭaka by the Sixth Zhamar for use in his own impending editing project. Immediately upon his return, Situ began work on editing the Dege Kangyur edition and completed it in 1733, just three years after returning from Lijiang.
Getting There: near Baisha Ancient Town
The monastery is about a half hour’s drive from the centre of Lijiang and is near the Baisha ancient town (which was formerly the capital of Lijiang). It was a beautiful old town to stroll around in and watch the world go by with a cup of coffee at the many lovely cafes and restaurants there, and slightly quieter than the Lijiang ancient town area.
As you can see from the map at the monastery, there are two main temples after walking through the entrance-way. The first hall contains a stunning thousand-armed Avalokiteshvara statue, as well as one of Karmapa and photos of the 17th Karmapa and the main Karma Kagyu Rinpoche in the Lijiang area, Sharna Trungpa Rinpoche. There is also a golden relic stupa, although I do not know whose relics are contained within it.
Going back outside, I walked around the grounds a little before going up to the second main temple.
I then walked up to the second main hall which is called the Five Buddha Family Hall (see photos). There was an image of the Karmapa just below the entrance door sign.
As I left the monastery, I saw an old tree signposted outside (see photo).
Sources
Debreczeny, Karl, 2013, Si tu Paṇ chen’s Artistic Legacy in ’Jang. Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies
Debreczeny, Karl. 2009. “Dabaojigong and the Regional Tradition of Ming Sino-Tibetan Painting in Lijiang.” In Buddhism between Tibet and China, edited by M. T. Kapstein, 97–152. Boston: Wisdom.
Endnotes
[1] For example, Debreczeny (2013: 206) writes that: “As Situ approached Lijiang in 1730, he stayed in “the [former] Gyeltsap’s paternal home,” which is likely an indirect way of saying that he visited one of the homes in exile of the Tenth Karmapa. This is because in 1660 the Karmapa had fathered a child with a local woman from Gyeltang, whom he then recognized as the Sixth Gyeltsap, Norbu Zangpo. This would also have been an opportunity for Situ to examine paintings by the Tenth Karmapa, as we know from Situ’s biography of the Karmapa that he gave the Gyeltsap’s mother paintings he had made in 1661.”
[2] Other evidence of Situ’s translating abilities include:
” According to Situ’s portrayal in his own diaries, the kings of Lijiang were cultivated and educated practitioners and patrons. Situ recalls that the most famous of them, Mu Zeng, composed praises to Tārā in Chinese, which Situ translated into Tibetan.” (2013: 207)
and “in volume seven of his collected works, which includes a praise poem translated from Chinese previously discussed. The colophon records that it was composed by the dharmarāja of Jang Satam, Sönam Rapten, and translated in Likyang Hüyül from a Chinese manuscript into Tibetan.
Situ was also interested in Chinese systems of astrology, astronomy, and medicine and seems to have translated some of those texts as well. Situ does not appear to have been fluent, as he also relied on translators at times, including his aforementioned nephew, Sampel, but even a basic knowledge of Chinese would have given him access to a wide range of information on Chinese painting, including printed copy books and painting manuals, which were both widely circulating in China by the eighteenth century. Situ does not mention that he studied Chinese or how he learned it, but the same is true for his learning Nepalese, which he clearly had. In such a multiethnic area as the Tibetan frontier with Sichuan and Yunnan, conversance in various languages such as Tibetan, Chinese, and even Naxi was part of daily life, as reflected in the many foreign language transliterations recorded in Situ’s own writings.” (Debreczeny: 2013: 215).
[3] “As Situ passed through Naxi areas on the road back toward Pelpung in 1739, he adds that he stopped the practice of blood sacrifice in ten villages.128 Eliminating the ritual taking of life was a constant struggle for Tibetan lamas in border regions, where local indigenous religious practice, like the Dongba (東巴) in these Naxi regions, often included animal sacrifice. While many local deities and other aspects of indigenous ritual life were often incorporated into Tibetan Buddhist practice in the conversion of a region, the taking of life, or the “red sacrifice,” was strictly forbidden but often reasserted itself if there were no prominent Buddhist teachers in the region.” (Debreczeny: 2013: 235).