“The Tenth Karmapa took shelter in Jang for approximately twenty-five years (c. 1646/7-1672) in the wake of Gushri Khan’s entry into at the behest of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s (1617–1682) regent in 1642. This Mongol onslaught resulted in the destruction of the entire Karmapa encampment; the Karmapa barely escaped and fled to Jang with only his personal attendant Küntu Zangpo. The king of Jang took the Karmapa under his protection, and proved himself a staunch supporter of the Karma Kagyu…
..this resulted in the almost total eclipse of the Karma Kagyü tradition in central Tibet, after which many Karma Kagyü monasteries had been seized and forcibly converted. Under the watchful and often hostile eye of the Tibetan government, the Karmapa’s seat, Tsurpu Monastery, remained suppressed into [8th] Situ’s time.”
In part 6 of the pilgrimage series on China/Tibet, I share my experience and photos of one of my favourite Karma Kagyu monasteries I visited in the Lijiang area in July 2024, known as Sang-ngag Gatsal Ling (Joyful Land of Secret-Mantra), known as Wenfeng Si in Chinese. Another Tibetan name for it is Jangri Mugpo Gon.
When I returned to Shangri-la, after visiting Khawa Karpo, I got the train back to Lijiang. I did not have much time or budget left (I had only planned for two weeks in China), and wanted to see the other four main karma Kagyu temples in the area, and hopefully more artworks by the 10th Karmapa.
As I mentioned before in Part 1 of my travelogues on this region, there are said to be thirteen Karma Kagyu temples that were established in the area by the Karmapas from the 16th Century onwards, five of which are still remaining. One of which is Sang-ngag Gatsal Ling. For my visit to Tashi Chophel Ling (Yufeng Si), see here. I will write about the other three main Karma Kagyu temples in Lijiang too.
The monastery complex was big and housed several temples, including a magificent Maitreya Buddha statue and hall, a three year Naropa retreat centre, and a Vajravarahi temple and cave, with a naturally-arisen Varahi from the cave rock. The temples all contained statues of the Karmapas and Tai Situpas, and photos of the 17th Karmapa, ogyen Trinley Dorje, the 12th Tai Situpa and 12th Gyaltsab Rinpoche. One thing I noticed on all my visits tothe five main Karma Kagyu monasteries was the prevalence of images and statues of the 17th Karmapa but also those of Guru Rinpoche statues and the 2nd Karmapa, Karma Pakshi. My favourite 2nd Karmapa statue was one where he was seated next to Noble Tara (see below) and a thousand-armed Avalokiteshvara.
There were six main sites/temples within the whole monastery complex, listed here in the order I visited them. The last four require a car as transport to go up to them:
- First main temple: Karmapa and Tais Situpa statues
- Maitreya Buddha Hall
- Three Year Naropa Retreat Centre
- Vajravarahi small temple just below the main cave temple
- Vajravarahi Holy Cave Tenple with naturally-arisen Varahi
- 1000-armed Avalokiteshvara Hall (with stunning Tara and 2nd Karmapa statues just below the Varahi cave temple
In this article I also give some historical information about the history of this monastery in relation to the demise of the Mu Jang Kings after the 10th Karmapa (1604-1674) went into exile there, and how later, the 8th Tai Situ Penchen (1700-1774), a master artist and painter in his own right, took over the preservation and spiritual leadership of Karma Kagyu in that region, and how he visited this temple three times. According to one of the most important scholarly works on this period of history by Karl Debreczeny (2013), after the Mongol invasion of Tibet, the 8th Tai Situ Penchen, a brilliant artist and scholar, became influential in this region and paid three visits to this temple.
It is ironic for a female scholar-translator writing about history to discover how much trouble, conflict and death has been caused by men fighting other men, based on often very petty, ego-driven reasons like jealousy or aversion. And yet history is full of his-stories, and very few her-stories. The history of Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism is no different in that respect from the rest of the world, and yet in Tibetan Buddhism, we have greater and higher hopes that the male teachers will act in better ways than ordinary worldly people.
The 10th Karmapa certainly acted in accordance with Buddhist ideals of love, compassion and non-violence. Sadly, the same cannot be said of the 5th Dalai Lama, the Gelugpas and the Mongolian military allies. That is no doubt the reason the Gelugpas faced a similar violent kicking out and onslaught by the Chinese and why Little Potala is now like a Disneyland resort. Yet, the Karma Kagyu monasteries in Jang are peaceful, beautiful, authentic places of practice and retreat where statues and photos of the 17th Karmapa, 12th Tai Situpa and 12th Gyaltsab Rinpoche can be freely exhibited and revered.
Music? Varahi traditional vibes: Vajrayogini: the dance of Vajravarahi, “The Diamond Sow” · Rameshwor Maharjan, Vajrayogini dance and chanting in the Charya style of Newari Buddhists, the Five Elemental Dakinis by Yoko. Contemporary vibes with Let the Flames Begin by Paramore, There She Goes by the Las.
Dedicated to the guru (Karmapa), yidam (Varahi) and Protector (Mahakala and Remati)! May we all realise the inseparability of the three roots/kayas and attain full awakening.
Written and compiled by Adele Tomlin, 1st August 2024.
1: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The demise of the Jang Kingdom and Mu Kings and increasing influence of 8th Tai Situpa and Pelpung monastery in the Jang area
As I wrote about in Part 2, the Tenth Karmapa took shelter in Jang for approximately twenty-five years (c. 1646/7-1672) after the violent Mongolian military invasion instigated at the behest of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s (1617–1682) regent in 1642. It is generally agreed by scholars that this Mongol onslaught resulted in the destruction of the entire Karmapa encampment; the Karmapa barely escaped and fled to Jang with only his personal attendant Küntu Zangpo. The king of Jang took the Karmapa under his protection, and proved himself a staunch supporter of the Karma Kagyu. His experience and flight into exile a) will be shared in more detail in a later post.
However, even after the 10th Karmapa had to flee into exile for his life, as Debreczeny (2013) writes, the male conflict and fighting continued into the Jang region, with the Manchu Qing dynasty troops taking control of the area and deposing the Mu Naxi Kings:
“In the mid-seventeenth century, beginning at the time of the Tenth Karmapa’s exile, the fortunes of the kingdom of Jang steeply declined. Starting in 1647, shortly after the king Mu Yi (木懿, r. 1624-1669), whose Tibetan name was Chimé Lhawang, rescued the Tenth Karmapa from Mongol troops, the area was overrun by Chinese armies fleeing the 1644 sack of Beijing. Order was restored in Yunnan only after Qing imperial troops arrived in 1659.
According to the Tenth Karmapa’s biography, many had been crushed by the Chinese army, the religious community (saṅgha) scattered, and monasteries burned. Then shortly afterward, the rulers of Lijiang became embroiled in a struggle with the Chinese general Wu Sangui (吴三桂, 1612-1678) in Kunming and his Revolt of the Three Feudatories, an open rebellion against the newly founded Qing dynasty. During this tumultuous period of repeated rebellions and tremendous civil unrest, local power in Lijiang was greatly compromised, and the king was even imprisoned for several years.
Then, despite their loyalty to the new Manchu Qing regime, the last king of Jang, Mu Zhong (木锺, 1687-1725), was forcibly deposed in 1723 by the central government. This came about when, shortly after ascending the throne, a new activist Manchu emperor, Yongzheng (雍正, r. 1723-1735), began to vilify indigenous leaders who controlled Chinese border areas in Yunnan. He aggressively and systematically replaced the local hereditary chieftains, such as the king of Jang, with imperially appointed bureaucrats. Thus, this abolishment of the kingdom of Lijiang can be seen as part of a larger pattern, as reflected in the local Lijiang gazetteer, where the local rulers are vilified and the people of Lijiang are described as willingly joining the empire, being naturally attracted to Qing imperial benevolence as “animals are attracted to sweet grass.” From this moment on, just six years before [8th] Situ’s first visit, Jang could no longer be called a kingdom.”
“Another significant factor in the quickening of relations between Pelpung Monastery and the temples of Jang was the collapse of the Karma Kagyü establishment in central Tibet. The Mongol entry into the Tibetan civil war in 1642 resulted in the almost total eclipse of the Karma Kagyü tradition in central Tibet, after which many Karma Kagyü monasteries had been seized and forcibly converted. Under the watchful and often hostile eye of the Tibetan government, the Karmapa’s seat, Tsurpu Monastery, remained suppressed into Situ’s time. Additionally, several prominent Kagyü leaders died young, such as the Seventh Situ (age sixteen) in 1698 and the Eleventh Karmapa (age twenty-six) in 1702. This was followed by the sudden loss of both the Eighth Zhamar and Twelfth Karmapa in 1732.
People of Kham and neighboring regions, including Jang, now looked to Situ Penchen as the ranking leader of the Karma Kagyü and to Pelpung Monastery as its new center. All of the Karma Kagyü temples built in the Jang area, which in the past had sent their monks to distant Tsurpu Monastery in central Tibet for training, quickly became branch temples of Pelpung after Situ’s successive visits. A history of Pelpung states that it had thirteen satellite temples in Jang, and, as we shall see, Situ had either a direct hand in their founding or some significant involvement with the five most prominent of them. His history lists nine Tibetan names: Mingyur Gön, Nyen Gön, Trabur Gön, Lhashi Gön (Zhiyun si指雲寺), Trashi Chömpel Ling (Yufeng si), Okmin Ling (Fuguo si), Püntsok Ling (Puji si), Jangri Makpo Gön (Wenfeng si), and Shaktup Ling.”
The Wenfeng Si temple: history and connection to Tai Situpa and Karmapa
In terms of the history of the temple, after the 10th Karmapa and the Mongolian invasion of Tibet, the temple has a particular connection to the brilliant scholar and painter 8th Tai Situ, Penchen Chökyi Jungné reached far beyond the kingdom of Degé (Dege 德格), extending even into Yunnan Province of southwestern China, where Situ traveled three times, over a thirty-year period from 1729 to 1759.
The 8th Tai Situpa wrote about the increasing presence of Chinese during the Qing dynasty rule, whose presence and control in Tibet had initally been started by the 5th Dalai Lama after his ‘victory’ taking over Tibet. As Debreczeny (2013) explains:
“Once Situ arrived in Lijiang in 1759, he returned to Wenfeng si, the same temple he had arranged for the patronage of the Qing imperial governor on his previous trip in 1739. There Situ twice performed rituals to end warfare and strife in Yunnan [2].
Afterward Situ went to the town of Lijiang, where he met with his patrons, the imperial governor and the “former king,” Mu De, who offered him a banquet.[3]
Debreczeny (2018) observes that as “indicated by Situ’s repeated performance of rituals to end warfare and strife in Yunnan at Wenfeng si, the political situation seems to have been getting increasingly tense in northern Yunnan in 1759. One immediately notices from Situ’s account of this later trip that he met many Chinese upon the road, and he had several encounters with the Chinese army [4]
“On this occasion, uncharacteristically bitter feelings come forth regarding sectarian violence in Kham, which depresses Situ…Situ rarely expresses his feelings in his diaries as in this passage, and seldom were such plain feelings about sectarian fighting discussed in Tibetan sources.” [5]
2: PERSONAL PILGRIMAGE
The contemporary state of Sang-ngag Gatsal Ling: Getting There and personal first-hand observations
The Joyful Land of Secret Mantra (Sang-ngag Gatsal Ling, Wenfeng Si) temple is located about 11km south-west from the centre of Lijiang City. I took a taxi there alone (no public buses), which took about half an hour.
When entering the main entrance gate, I was the only foreigner there but also there were very few (if any) visitors. The energy of the place felt welcoming and good, and it was a sunny and clear day. I heard monks chanting further upwards in one of the main temples, and so headed that way.
In the first main temple I saw about twenty or so monks doing a sadhana together. It was the first time I had seen a group of Tibetan Buddhist monastics doing such a ritual since I had arrived in the region. There were tow huge statues of Tai Situpa and the Karmapa on the shrine and many thangka paintings of the Karmapa and Tai Situpa lineage, as well as hundreds of Buddhists texts/pechas wrapped and exhibited in cabinets
I left this first temple to have a look at the other buildings, and a Tibetan monk was standing outside who seemed friendly. He only spoke Tibetan and Chinese, so we communicated in Tibetan. it was easy to communicate as he had a central Tibetan dialect. He was very helpful and friendly indeed, in his early 30s and he offered to show me around the temple complex.
The Maitreya Buddha Temple at Sang-ngag Gatsal Ling
The next temple upwards from this first smaller one, walkable by foot, was the Maitreya Buddha temple, which contained a huge statue of Maitreya and photos of both the 17th Karmapa, Ogyen Trinley Dorje, 12th Tai Situpa, 12th Gyaltsab and the 16th Karmapa, Rigpe Dorje. There were also several stunning statues and thangkas of the Karmapas, Tai Situpas and photos of other well-known Karma Kagyu masters.
The Three-Year Naropa Retreat Centre
The monk kindly arranged for a driver and small van to pick us up and take us to the upper parts of the monastery grounds, where the three-year three month Naropa retreat centre, situated next to a Vajravarahi temple and cave, with a naturally-arisen Varahi.
Arriving at the main car park of the three year retreat centre, I first stopped to admire the magnificent view from the hill of the Lijiang city and surrounding mountains below:
The three year retreat centre was closed to visitors, but I was able to take some photos of its external buildings and signs:
The Vajravarahi cave temple
We then walked up from the three year retreat centre to the highlight (and highest point) of the visit there), the Vajravarahi temple and rock cave, with a naturally arisen rock Vajravarahi in the cave.
Before going into the main temple, I spent some time in a small shrine room next to it with a big, red Varahi statue. This room also housed stunning statues of the 2nd Karmapa, Guru Padmasambhava and Avaloiketshvara. There was also a photo of the 17th Karmapa, Ogyen Trinley Dorje prominently displayed on the shrine. I asked the monk to leave me alone here for ten minutes or so to meditate and make some aspirations, which he kindly did. I could have stayed in there for hours though.
The Vajravarahi (Dorje Phagmo) Cave temple, Sengdeng Varahi statue and naturally-arisen rock Varahi
The next and final temple I visited on the hilltop, was the Varahi Cave with a naturally arisen Varahi from the rock. This rock cave was surrounded by a temple building (see photos). Inside the building was another Varahi statue, which the monk told me was made from Sengdeng (Acacia tree) wood.
This cave and rock ‘face’ had a profound and lasting effect on me. As I touched my forehead and mala, it triggered something deep within (as well as my strong devotion and connection with the yidam, Vajravarahi) so that I started weeping and crying profusely and uncontrollably in front of my monk guide. He left me alone in the cave for a while to meditate.
There was also a Chakrasamvara statue with photos of the 17th Karmapa, 12th Tai Situpa and 12th Gyaltsab Rinpoche above it.
Stranded at the 1000-armed Avalokitesvara Hall with Noble Tara, 2nd Karmapa statues
I then went back down to the main carpark below but the monk and his driver had disappeared! I called him and he told me had walked to another monastery nearby but I could not find the path and the two nuns and other monks there sis not know. So I spent some time (stranded) at the big shrine room there, with stunning 1000-armed Avalokiteshvara statue and two of the most beautiful statues I have seen of the 2nd Karmapa, Karma Pakshi seated next to one of Noble Tara.
I finally got a car to take me back down the hill and saw the monk again, who kindly arranged for me to take a shared jeeep with some Chinese speaking monks from the monastery (one of whom seemed to tbe the manager and his assistant) who had a wad of money in his hand and did not act or speak much like a monk at all! I was actually kind of relieved when I got out the van and was back in Lijiang. Shortly after I got a horrendous flu virus too…..
Sources
Endnotes
[1] 8th Tai Situ (Debreczeny 2018) writes:
“I arrived at Jangri Mukpö Gön. In order that no [more] warfare and other [strife] arise in the Yunnan area, I performed the four maṇḍala ritual arrangement for a rite of aid and propitiation to local deities and guardians (the “amending and restoring” ritual). The whole congregation performed Tārā and the Samlhünma.
On the first of the month on the Buddhists’ [calendar], everyone who gathered there went into White Tārā retreat. Throughout saga dawa we were similarly engaged.133 On the first day after saga dawa (that is, the fifth lunar month) we concluded with a brief fire offering. I received twenty-two juicy pears (sili, shui li 水梨) and twenty-two rosaries, this was a good sign for my lifespan. While I was undertaking the performance of long-life services so that warfare would not arise in Lower Yunnan, because [the monks of] Gyiling Si said that there was a need to go, it failed to take effect. I performed the long life sadhana by [the Fourth Karmapa] Rölpé Dorjé. Ritual dough sculpture offerings (captured torma; tator) and thanksgiving verses were extensively offered. I painted a wheel of longevity (tsekhor). I came out of retreat. [The doctor] Lekdzé gave [me] a vajra and rosary. At Netsé I made the great ritual dough sculpture and incense offering for local deities.
Having circumambulated the mountain (Wenbi shan), I returned to the monastery. I performed the donning the hat ceremony, and offered prayers for long life. In the chapel, I completed preparatory rituals for samvara consecration. To Lekdzé and others, I gave oral commentary on mahāmudrā. I departed.” Debreczeny (2018).
[2] In one such instance elaborated in Situ’s biography:
“Based on the context of this passage, it would appear that Nazangpa is probably a Mongol prince with militant Geluk ties who invaded the area, as there were many such incursions by combined forces of Mongol and Tibetan Geluk partisans that forcibly converted, harassed, or destroyed local Kagyü institutions, as reflected in contemporary local gazetteers such as the one from Balung (the Weixi Travel Record written in 1769) quoted above and the Muli Chönjung.” Debreczeny (2018).
Situ was invited to the Chinese [military] camp. He was welcomed with music. He met with the company commander (tsangyé, zong ye 總爺) and governor (taiyé, tai ye 太爺) (that is both military and civil officials). A banquet and viewing many sports were offered. He was similarly invited, and went to the Dzana [Fort?] lieutenant’s (patsong) and the company commander’s places. Situ was served such things as offerings of Chinese cakes and Chinese merchandise, and Chinese style sports [demonstrations].”
Debreczeny also observes that:
“One is not only struck by the numbers of such encounters with Chinese but also the more frequent references to Chinese material culture. This may reflect a larger trend of social change in southwestern China – a massive influx of ethnic Chinese settlers, merchants, and soldiers. In the early eighteenth century, when Situ first traveled south, the Chinese were a minority in Yunnan, but a little more than a century later, they became a majority. Also, Situ’s abrupt and terse statements reveal that he was suddenly told that he had to leave just after arriving, suggesting a tension and uncertainty in the air, even within Lijiang at the time.”
[3] 8th Tai Situ writes:
“Today I made ritual dough sculpture offerings to the protector deities and prayed to the deities and dākinī (khandro) to stop at once fighting among monks, wicked behavior which undermines laymen’s faith. And I became depressed, thinking that [many uneducated local monks], greedy for the faith offerings of the faithful laypeople, stingy ones with [only] the [outer] appearance of a monk (sermowa), squabbling over monastic wealth (kor) – whichever tradition they belong to – and, in particular who, never mind understanding the basic tenets of Buddhism, have never even seen the good behavior of the Gelukpa monks of central Tibet, and having merely heard only the names Kagyü and Geluk take that to be a religious tradition and [proceed to] commit bad deeds that monks should refrain from, bearing weapons aloft, committing such actions as monks waging war on other monks. Generally, what they have done grievously wounds the teachings of the Buddha, and in particular it is a great disgrace to the matchless Tsongkhapa and his followers. That is all I thought (when seeing it), but I did not show a displeased face or think of responding.”
“Based on the context of this passage, it would appear that Nazangpa is probably a Mongol prince with militant Geluk ties who invaded the area, as there were many such incursions by combined forces of Mongol and Tibetan Geluk partisans that forcibly converted, harassed, or destroyed local Kagyü institutions, as reflected in contemporary local gazetteers such as the one from Balung (the Weixi Travel Record written in 1769) quoted above and the Muli Chönjung.” Debreczeny (2018).
Thank you, Adele, for your very interesting reporting on the eastern Tibet region. Wishing you all the best, Kristin
Il Gio 1 Ago 2024, 15:28 Dakini Translations and Publications
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